The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution
Chapter 66 : TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.Pa.s.sy, March 4th, 1780.Sir, M. Gerard, un

TO SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Pa.s.sy, March 4th, 1780.

Sir,

M. Gerard, under whose care I understand the despatches from Congress to me were forwarded, is not yet arrived here, and I have not received them. I cannot, therefore, at present answer anything that may be contained in them. He is, however, expected next week, and I may afterwards have time to write further by the Alliance. Mr Adams is come, but did not bring duplicates of those despatches. I have, in obedience to the order of Congress, which he produced to me, furnished him with one thousand louis d'ors. I have also given a credit to Mr Jay upon the correspondent of our banker at Madrid for an equal sum. I have not yet heard of his arrival there. His letter to me was from Cadiz, of the 28th of January.

In my last I gave some account of the success of our little squadron under Commodore Jones. Three of their prizes sent into Bergen, in Norway, were at the instance of the British Minister seized by order of the Court of Denmark, and delivered up to him. I have, with the approbation of the Ministry here, drawn up and sent to that Court a memorial reclaiming those prizes. It went through the hands of the French Minister residing there, who has delivered it; but I have yet no answer. I understand from the French Consul at Bergen, that the prizes remain still in that port, and it is said there is some hope that the order may be reversed, but this is doubtful, and I suppose the Congress will immediately consider this important affair, and give me such instructions upon it as they may judge proper. With this, I send a copy of the memorial.

During the cruise a mortal quarrel took place between the Commodore and Captain Landais. On their arrival in Holland, M. de Sartine, Minister of the Marine, proposed to me the sending for Landais, in order to inquire into his conduct. I doubted the propriety of my meddling in the affair, but Captain Landais' friends conceiving it a measure that might be serviceable to him, and pressing it, I complied, and he came accordingly to Paris. I send the minutes of the inquiry for the consideration of Congress. I have not presumed to condemn or acquit him, doubting as well my own judgment as my authority. He proposes to demand a Court Martial in America. In his absence from the s.h.i.+p, the Commodore took the command of her, and on quitting the Texel made a cruise through the channel to Spain, and is since returned to the L'Orient, where the s.h.i.+p is now refitting in order to return to America. Captain Landais has not applied to me to be replaced in her, and I imagine has no thought of that kind, having before on several occasions expressed to me and others his dissatisfaction with his officers, and his inclination on that account to quit her. Captain Jones will therefore carry her home, unless he should be prevailed with to enter another service, which, however, I think is not likely, though he has gained immense reputation all over Europe for his bravery.

As vessels of war under my care create me a vast deal of business, of a kind too, that I am unexperienced in, and by my distance from the coast is very difficult to be well executed, I must repeat my earnest request, that some person of skill in such affairs may be appointed in the character of Consul, to take charge of them. I imagine that much would by that means be saved in the expense of their various refittings and supplies, which to me appears enormous.

Agreeable to the order of Congress, I have employed one of the best artists here in cutting the dies for the medal intended for M. de Fleury. The price of such work is beyond my expectation, being a thousand livres for each die. I shall try if it is not possible to have the others done cheaper.

Our exchange of prisoners has been for some time past at a stand, the English admiralty refusing, after long consideration, to give us any men in return for those who had been dismissed by our armed vessels on parole, and the actual prisoners we had being all exchanged. When the squadron of Commodore Jones arrived in the Texel with five hundred English prisoners; I proposed exchanging there; but this was declined, in expectation, as I heard from England, of retaking them in their way to France. The stay of our s.h.i.+ps in Holland, through the favor of the States, being prolonged, and the squadrons stationed to intercept us being tired of cruising for us, the British Ministry consented at length to a cartel with France, and brought Frenchmen to Holland to exchange for those prisoners instead of Americans. These proceedings have occasioned our poor people to be kept longer in confinement, but the Minister of the Marine, having given orders that I should have as many English, another cartel charged with Americans is now daily expected, and I hope in a few months to see them all at liberty. This for their sakes, and also to save expense; for their long and hard imprisonment induces many to hazard attempts of escaping, and those who get away through London and Holland, and come to Paris in their way to some seaport in France, cost one with another, I believe, near twenty pounds sterling a head.

The delays in the exchange have I think been lengthened by the Admiralty, partly with the view of breaking the patience of our people, and inducing them to enter the English service. They have spared no pains for this purpose, and have prevailed with some. The number of these has not indeed been great, and several of them lost their lives in the blowing up of the Quebec. I am also lately informed from London, that the flags of truce with prisoners from Boston, one of which is seized as British property, will obtain no Americans in exchange; the returned English being told, that they had no authority or right to make such agreements with rebels, &c. This is not the only instance in which it appears, that a few late successes have given that nation another _hour of insolence_. And yet their affairs, upon the whole wear a very unpromising aspect. They have not yet been able to find any allies in Europe. Holland grows daily less and less disposed to comply with their requisitions; Ireland is not satisfied, but is making new demands; Scotland, and the Protestants in England are uneasy, and the a.s.sociations of counties in England, with committees of correspondence to make reforms in the government, all taken together, give a good deal of apprehension at present, even to their mad Ministers, while their debt, on the point of amounting to the amazing sum of two hundred millions, hangs as a millstone upon the neck of their credit, and must ere long sink it beyond redemption.

The disposition of this Court continues as favorable as ever, though it cannot comply with all our demands. The supplies required, in the invoice sent me by the Committee, appeared too great and numerous to be immediately furnished. Three millions of livres were, however, granted me, with which, after deducting what will be necessary to pay the interest bills, and other late drafts of Congress, I could not venture on ordering more than ten thousand suits of clothes. With these, we shall have fifteen thousand arms and accoutrements. A good deal of the cloth goes over in the Alliance, purchased by Mr Ross, which, it is computed, may make seven or eight thousand suits more.

But although we have not obtained that invoice of goods, this Court being of immense expense in the preparations for the next campaign, I have reason to believe that a part of those preparations will be employed in essential a.s.sistance to the United States, and I hope effectual, though at present I cannot be more particular.

I have sent to Mr Johnson the vote of Congress relative to the settlement of the accounts. He has expressed his readiness to enter on the service. Mr Deane is soon expected here, whose presence is very necessary, and I hope with his help they may be gone through without much difficulty. I could have wished it had suited Mr Lee to have been here at the same time.

The Marquis de Lafayette, who, during his residence in France, has been extremely zealous in supporting our cause on all occasions, returns again to fight for it. He is infinitely esteemed and beloved here, and I am persuaded will do everything in his power to merit a continuance of the same affection from America.

With the greatest respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

FROM R. BERNSTORF, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS IN DENMARK, TO B.

FRANKLIN.

Translation.

Copenhagen, March 8th, 1780.

Sir,

Were you a person less known and respected, I should have been quite at a loss on the subject of the letter, which I have had the honor of receiving from you, which did not come to hand till the 31st of January. I should have considered it as a measure calculated to place us under a new embarra.s.sment as painful as the first; but there is no fear nor risk with such a sage as you are, Sir, generally respected by that universe, which you have enlightened, and known for that prevailing love for truth, which characterises the good man and the true philosopher. These are the t.i.tles, which will transmit your name to the remotest posterity, and in which I am particularly interested at the time, when the situation of affairs imposes on me the necessity of divesting myself of every public character, in writing to you, and only to aspire at appearing to you what I truly am, the pa.s.sionate friend of peace, truth, and merit.

This mode of thinking not only decides my personal sentiments with respect to you, but also those I have respecting the unfortunate affair, which you have thought fit to mention to me, and which, from its commencement, has given me the utmost pain. You will readily agree with me, Sir, in granting that there are perplexing situations in which it is impossible to avoid displeasing one party. You are too equitable not to enter into ours. There would be no consolation in such cases, nor would the persons who have been led into them ever be forgiven, were it not that opportunities sometimes present themselves of being heard, and preventing in future such essential embarra.s.sments.

The Baron de Blome will speak to you in confidence, and with the utmost freedom on this subject, and if my wishes can be accomplished I shall be recompensed for all my pains, and there will only remain the agreeable recollection of having had the satisfaction of a.s.suring you, from under my hand, of that superior and perfect esteem with which I have the honor of being, Sir, &c.

R. BERNSTORF.

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Pa.s.sy, March 16th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

The Marquis de Lafayette, our firm and constant friend, returning to America, I have written a long letter by him to the President, of which a copy goes by this s.h.i.+p. M. Gerard is since arrived, and I have received the despatches you mentioned to me, but no letter in answer to mine, a very long one, by the Chevalier de la Luzerne, nor any acknowledgment that it came to hand.

By the many newspapers and pamphlets I send, you will see the present state of European affairs in general. Ireland continues to insist on complete liberty, and will probably obtain it. The meetings of counties in England, and the committees of correspondence they appoint, alarm a good deal the Ministry, especially since it has been proposed to elect out of each committee a few persons to a.s.semble in London, which, if carried into execution, will form a kind of Congress, that will have more of the confidence and support of the people than the old Parliament. If the nation is not too corrupt, as I rather think it is, some considerable reformation of internal abuses may be expected from this. With regard to us, the only advantage to be reasonably expected from it is a peace, the general bent of the nation being for it.

The success of Admiral Rodney's fleet against our allies has a little elated our enemies for the present, and probably they will not now think of proposing it. If the approaching campaign, for which great preparations are making here, should end disadvantageously to them, they will be more treatable, for their debts and taxes are daily becoming more burthensome, while their commerce, the source of their wealth, diminishes, and though they have flattered themselves with obtaining a.s.sistance from Russia and other powers, it does not appear they are likely to succeed; on the contrary, they are in danger of losing the neutrality of Holland.

Their conduct with regard to the exchange of prisoners has been very unjust. After long suspense and affected delays for the purpose of wearing out our poor people, they have finally refused to deliver us a man in exchange for those set at liberty by our cruisers on parole. A letter, which I enclose from Captain Mitch.e.l.l, will show the treatment of the late flags of truce from Boston. There is no gaining anything from these barbarians by advances of civility or humanity.

Enclosed I send for Congress the justification of this Court against the accusation published in the late English memorials.

With great esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO JOSEPH REED, PRESIDENT OF THE STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA.

Pa.s.sy. March 19th, 1780.

Sir,

I have just received the pamphlet you did me the honor to send me by M. Gerard, and have read it with pleasure. Not only as the clear state of facts it does you honor, but as it proves the falsehood of a man, who also showed no regard to truth in what he said of me, "_that I approved of the propositions he carried over_." The truth is this. His brother, Mr. Pultney, came here with those propositions; and after stipulating, that if I did not approve of them, I should not speak of them to any person, he communicated them to me. I told him frankly, on his desiring to know my sentiments, that I DID NOT _approve of them, and that I was sure they_ WOULD NOT _be accepted in America_. But, I said, there are two other Commissioners here; I will, if you please, show your propositions to them, and you will hear their opinions. I will also show them to the ministry here, without whose knowledge and concurrence we can take no step in such affairs. No, said he, as you do not approve of them, it can answer no purpose to show them to anybody else; the reasons that weigh with you will also weigh with them; therefore I now pray that no mention may be made of my having been here, or my business. To this I agreed, and therefore nothing could be more astonis.h.i.+ng to me, than to see in an American newspaper, that direct lie, in a letter from Mr Johnstone, joined with two other falsehoods relating to the time of the treaty, and to the opinion of Spain!

In proof of the above I enclose a certificate of a friend of Mr Pultney's, the only person present at our interview;[21] and I do it the rather at this time, because I am informed that another calumniator (the same who formerly in his private letters to particular members accused you, with Messrs Jay, Duane, Langdon, and Harrison, of betraying the secrets of Congress in a correspondence with the ministry) has made this transition with Mr Pultney an article of accusation against me, as having approved the same propositions. He proposes, I understand, to settle in your government. I caution you to beware of him; for in sowing suspicions and jealousies, in creating misunderstandings and quarrels among friends, in malice, subtility, and indefatigable industry, he has I think no equal.

I am glad to see that you continue to preside in our new State, as it shows that your public conduct is approved by the people. You have had a difficult time, which required abundance of prudence, and you have been equal to the occasion. The disputes about the Const.i.tution seem to have subsided. It is much admired here, and all over Europe, and will draw over many families of fortune to settle under it, as soon as there is a peace. The defects that may on seven years' trial be found in it can be amended, when the time comes for considering them.

With great and sincere esteem and respect I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN

[21]

TO B. FRANKLIN

Dear Sir,

I send you adjoined the certificate you desire, and am perfectly convinced, from conversations I have since had with Mr Pultney, that no body was authorised to hold the language, which has been imputed to him on that subject, and as I have a high opinion of his candor and worth I know it must be painful to him to be brought into question in matters of fact with persons he esteems. I could wish that this matter may receive no further publicity, than what is necessary for your justification.