The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution
Chapter 223 : "While I lament the continuance of the present troubles, and the extension of the

"While I lament the continuance of the present troubles, and the extension of the war, I have the conscious satisfaction to reflect, that the constant aim of all my counsels has been to bring back my deluded subjects in America to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed, and to see the tranquillity of Europe restored.

"To defend the dominions, and to maintain the rights of this country, was on my part the sole cause, and is the object of the war. Peace is the earnest wish of my heart, but I have too firm a reliance on the spirit and resources of the nation, the powerful a.s.sistance of my Parliament, and _the protection of a just and all ruling Providence_, to accept it upon any other terms or conditions than such as may consist with the honor and dignity of my Crown, and the permanent interest and security of my people."

We all know very well what his meaning is when he mentions "the honor and dignity of his Crown, and the permanent interest and security of his people." Could the Minister who composed this speech expect that anybody would believe him when he said, that the constant aim of all his counsels had been to bring back the Americans to the happiness and liberty they formerly enjoyed?

The whole of this speech is in a strain, which leaves no room to doubt that the cabinet of St James is yet resolved to persevere in the war to the last extremity, and to insist still upon the return of America to British obedience, and upon the rupture of the treaty with France, as preliminaries to the Congress at Vienna. Thus the two Imperial Courts will find themselves trifled with by the British. It is not to be supposed that either will be the voluntary bubble of such trickish policy. The Empress of Russia is supposed to be as sagacious as she is spirited; yet she seems to have given some attention to the pacific professions of the English. If she could see herself intentionally deceived, she will not probably be very patient.

The Emperor, in his late journey through Holland, made himself the object of the esteem and admiration of all; affable and familiar, as a great sovereign can ever allow himself to be with dignity, he gave to many persons unequivocal intimations of his sentiments upon public affairs. Patriotism seemed to be the object which he wished to distinguish. Whoever espoused with zeal the honor and interest of his own country, was sure of some mark of his approbation; whoever appeared to countenance another country in preference to his own, found some symptom of his dislike; even the ladies, French or Dutch, who had any of the English modes in their dress, received from his Majesty some intimation of his disapprobation of their taste.

Everybody here, since his departure, is confident of his entire detestation of the principles on which the English have conducted this war, and of his determination to take no part in it, in their favor.

His sentiments concerning America are inferred from a very singular anecdote, which is so well attested, that it may not be improper to mention to Congress.

His Majesty condescended, in a certain company, to inquire after the Minister of the United States of America to their High Mightinesses, said he was acquainted with his name and character, and should be glad to see him; a lady in company, asked his Majesty if he would drink tea with him at her house? He replied in the affirmative, in the character of the Count of Falkenstein. A lady in company undertook to form the party; but upon inquiry, the American was at Paris. It is supposed with good reason, that there could be nothing personal in this curiosity, and therefore that it was intended as a political signification of a certain degree of complaisance towards America.

Thus it is, that the words, gestures, and countenances of sovereigns are watched, and political inferences drawn from them; but there is too much uncertainty in this science, to depend much upon it. It seems, however, that the Emperor made himself so popular here, as to excite some appearance of jealousy in Prussia. For my own part, I think that the greatest political stroke which the two Imperial Courts could make, would be upon receiving the answer from England adhering to her preliminaries, immediately to declare the United States independent. It would be to their immortal honor; it would be in the character of each of these, extraordinary geniuses; it would be a blessing to mankind; it would even be friends.h.i.+p to England.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

B. FRANKLIN TO JOHN ADAMS.

Pa.s.sy, August 6th, 1781.

Sir,

I sometime since gave orders, as you desired, to Mr Grand to furnish you with a credit in Holland for the remainder of your salary to November next. But I am now told that your account having been mixed with Mr Dana's, he finds it difficult to know the sum due to you. Be pleased therefore to state your account for two years, giving credit for the sums you have received, that an order may be made for the balance. Upon this occasion, it is right to acquaint you that I do not think we can depend on receiving any more money here, applicable to the support of the Congress Ministers.

What aids are hereafter granted, will probably be transmitted by the government directly to America. It will, therefore, be proper to inform Congress, that care may be taken to furnish their servants by remittances from thence.

I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.

Sir,

In the Utrecht Gazette of this morning is an article from Petersburg, of the 13th of July, in these words.

"Sat.u.r.day last, the government despatched a courier for London. He carries, it is a.s.sured, instructions to M. Simolin, our Minister to the King of England, to make to his Britannic Majesty, conjointly with the Ministers of Sweden and Denmark, certain representations concerning the war, which he has thought fit to declare against the Republic of the United Provinces.

"The Minister of England, at our Court, received a courier from London, the day before yesterday, with the answer of the British Ministry to the preliminary articles of a Treaty of Peace to be concluded between the belligerent powers of Europe under the high mediation of her Majesty, the Empress, our Sovereign, and of his Majesty, the Emperor, King of Hungary and Bohemia; but nothing has transpired of the contents of this answer."

"It is said, that the Grand Duke and the Grand Dutchess of Russia, will set off from hence for the Courts of Europe, which their Imperial Highnesses propose to visit, about the end of August or the beginning of September."

A man, who is master of the history of England for the last twenty years, would be at no loss to conjecture the answer to the preliminary articles of the two Imperial Courts. Indeed the King's speech has already answered them before all the world. The King has not probably given one answer to Parliament, and his Ministers another to the mediating Courts.

Thus all Europe is to be bubbled by a species of chicanery, that has been the derision of America for a number of years. In time, the Courts of Europe will learn the nature of these British tricks by experience, and receive them with the contempt or the indignation they deserve.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 6th, 1781.

Sir,

In several of the London newspapers of July the 26th, appeared the following paragraph.

"An order has been sent from Lord Hillsborough's office for bringing Curson and Gouverneur, (whom we sometime ago mentioned to have been confined by command of Sir George Rodney, and General Vaughan, for having carried on a traitorous correspondence with the enemy at St Eustatia,) to town, to be confined in Newgate, to take their trial for the crime of high treason. The whole circ.u.mstances of their case, and all their correspondence has been submitted to the inspection of the Attorney and Solicitor-General, and they consider the offence in so serious a light, that a direct refusal has been given to a pet.i.tion from Mr Curson to be indulged with the privilege of giving bail for appearance, on account of the ill-health, which he has experienced on board the Vengeance, where he and his colleague have been for some months confined, and which is now lying at Spithead. It has been discovered, from an inspection of their papers, that Mr Adams, the celebrated negotiator to Holland, was the man, with whom they held their illicit correspondence, and it is said, that the appearance of proof against them, has turned out much stronger than was originally supposed."

Last fall Mr Searle informed me, that Messrs Curson and Gouverneur were Continental Agents at Eustatia, and advised me to send my despatches to their care, as worthy men, a part of whose duty it was to forward such things to Congress. I accordingly sent several packets of letters, newspapers, and pamphlets to their address, accompanied only with a line, simply requesting their attention to forward them by the first safe opportunity. I never saw those gentlemen, or received a line from either. It must have been imprudence, or negligence, to suffer my letters to fall into the hands of the enemy. I have looked over all the letters, which I wrote about that time, and I find no expression in any, that could do harm to the public, if printed in the gazettes, yet there are some things, which the English would not choose to publish, I fancy. What other correspondences of Messrs Curson and Gouverneur might have been discovered, I know not.

The British Ministry seem to be growing outrageous. The more they despair, the more angry they are. They think not at all of peace.

America should think of it as little; sighing, and longing for peace, will not obtain it. No terms short of eternal disgrace and irrecoverable ruin would be accepted. We must brace up our laws and our military discipline, and renounce that devoted and abandoned nation for ever. America must put an end to a foolish and disgraceful correspondence and intercourse, which some have indulged, but at which all ought to blush, as inconsistent with the character of man.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Amsterdam, August 8th, 1781.

Sir,

This people must have their own way. They proceed like no other. There cannot be a more striking example of this, than the instructions given to privateers and letters of marque.

The commander is ordered to bring his prizes into some port of the United Provinces, or into the ports or roads of the allies and friends of this Republic, especially France, Sweden, North America, or Spain; and the s.h.i.+p shall be at liberty to join, under a written convention, with one or more privateers or other similar s.h.i.+ps of war, belonging to Hollanders, Zealanders, French, Americans, or Spanish, to undertake jointly anything advantageous, &c. This is not only an acknowledgment of the independence of North America, but it is avowing it to be an ally and friend. But I suppose, in order to elude and evade, it would be said, that these are only the instructions given by owners to their commanders; yet these instructions are required to be sworn to, and produced to the Admiralty for their approbation.

It is certain, that the King of Spain, when he declared war against Great Britain, sent orders to all his officers to treat the Americans, as the best friends of Spain, and the King's pleasure, being a law to his subjects, they are bound by it. But what is there to oblige a citizen of the United Provinces to consider the Americans as the friends of the Republic? There is no such law, and these instructions cannot bind. Yet it is very certain, that no Dutchman will venture to take an American.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.