The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution
Chapter 443 : Philadelphia, July 5th, 1779.Sir, The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor

Philadelphia, July 5th, 1779.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor to represent to Congress, that faithful to the promises which that body has asked for, on his part, in relation to the purchase of provisions destined for the squadron, which the King sent last year to the a.s.sistance of the United States, he has never authorised any purchase except through the very overseers appointed by Congress, or without giving notice of the operation to the members of the committees intrusted with this business. He has declared to them several times, that the provisions bought on the account, and with the money of the King, would always remain at the disposal of Congress, either for the public service, or for that of the American army. The undersigned hopes, that their members will be witnesses of it to Congress. Delicacy has been carried so far, that it has been preferred to expose the King's squadron to the want of provisions, which it has procured only in consequence of some happy accidents, rather than to break through an arrangement which Congress had judged necessary. The same principle has guided the conduct which has been pursued in the last place, when the undersigned, by his knowledge of the chief motives of Congress, having been obliged to demand the a.s.surance of a certain quant.i.ty of provisions, the difficulty of circ.u.mstances induced him to combine purchases by way of commerce with the direct measures which Congress has judged proper to take. As Congress must have been informed of all that has taken place on this subject, the undersigned will not introduce it again here, and he will abstain from all reflection.

He confines himself to representing to Congress, that the produce of these private purchases is reduced to a very small quant.i.ty, by the obstacles which the continental officers have thrown in their way, and by the seizure, by authority, of the articles bought, as well as by other similar events; and the agents employed on the King's account, being thus deprived of the security and of the power which every American citizen, and every foreign merchant enjoys, and the property of the King being so uncertain and exposed, the undersigned begs Congress to be pleased to cause all the provisions bought on the account and with the money of his Majesty, to be placed in the hands of the officers whom they shall judge proper to appoint for this purpose, in order that Congress may dispose of them in such manner as their own prudence and the public interest shall dictate; the undersigned declaring, that from the moment in which he was informed of these proceedings and of these obstacles, he has given order to put an end to every kind of purchase and supply of provisions. He annexes here the note of the provisions now in the hands of the King's agents; and if the commissions given heretofore have produced a greater quant.i.ty of them, he will have the honor to give notice of it to Congress, according as he shall be informed of it himself.

But he must at the same time call the attention of Congress to the proposition, which he had the honor to make to them by the Memorial which contains the request for this new supply, that is to say, that they would be pleased to declare, whether the Minister Plenipotentiary of France may reckon upon the quant.i.ty of provisions, which are necessary for the important object which he has had the honor to communicate to Congress. In order to facilitate the success of his measures on this subject, the undersigned confines himself at the present time to requesting, that the quant.i.ty of five thousand barrels of flour may be immediately held in readiness. The remainder can be furnished in the course of September next, from grain the product of this year's harvest.

The reasons alleged in the said Memorial compel the undersigned to repeat to Congress the formal demand of a prompt and explicit answer, with which he has not hitherto been honored. Congress has too much wisdom for any one to allow himself to set forth to it all the inconveniences which might result to America, and to the alliance from the least delay. The reports. .h.i.therto communicated are so uncertain, that it is impossible to make them the foundation of a confidence, which the experience of the past does not encourage, unless Congress authorises them by its sanction. A formal and explicit a.s.surance on the part of Congress can alone effect an object so important, upon which the Minister Plenipotentiary of France has insisted since the month of May, and which the advancement of the season renders still more critical and pressing.

GERARD.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE RESPECTING A CONFERENCE WITH THE MINISTER OF FRANCE.

In Congress, July 10th, 1779.

The President informed Congress, that the Minister of France had communicated to him certain intelligence, about which it would, in his opinion, be expedient for Congress to confer with the Minister.

Resolved, That the honorable M. Gerard be informed by the President, that Congress are desirous of conferring with him in a committee of the whole, on the subject of the intelligence communicated by him to the President, and that if agreeable to him, a private audience be had on Monday next, at 12 o'clock.

_Monday, July 12th._ The President informed the house, that he had communicated to the Minister of France the resolution of Sat.u.r.day, and that the Minister had agreed to meet Congress, in a committee of the whole, at 12 o'clock. Whereupon Congress was resolved into a committee of the whole, and had a conference with the Minister, and on the 14th of July, Mr Laurens, chairman of the committee, reported,

That in obedience to the order of Congress, the committee of the whole have conferred with the Minister Plenipotentiary of France, who introduced the conference by saying, that he had received some despatches from his Court, which he was ordered to communicate to Congress, but that he expected no answer. That though it was not the usual practice to offer communications of this nature in writing, yet as it had been intimated to him by the President, that this mode would be most agreeable to Congress, he had committed the heads of them to paper, not as a Memorial, but merely for the a.s.sistance of the memory, in a form to which the term of "_ad statum legendi_" is appropriated by the usage of the Courts of Europe; that in reading the said paper he would take the liberty of making some explanations and reflections.

That he then proceeded to read the paper herewith delivered, marked No. 1, divided into seven Articles, and at the close of each separate Article he added explanations and reflections, the substance of which the committee have endeavored to recollect, and have committed to writing in the paper marked No 2.

NO. I.

_Ad statum legendi._

1st. The King has approved all the overtures, which were made by his Minister Plenipotentiary to the Honorable Congress, respecting the affairs of M. de Beaumarchais. Therefore a line ought to be drawn between the stores, which this gentleman has been permitted to take out of the royal magazine, for which he has made himself debtor to the department of war, and between those articles which the same gentleman has bought in the common way of trade for the use of the United States.

2dly. A hint having been given to the Minister Plenipotentiary, that Congress desire to recruit their s.h.i.+ps in France, from the English prisoners there, the Court in consequence of his representations is willing to facilitate this mode of recruiting seamen.

3dly. The King and Ministry were extremely pleased with the resolution, which Congress has taken, to maintain only one Minister Plenipotentiary at this Court, as well as with the exclusive appointment of so steady and honest a man, and so firm and solid a patriot, as Dr Franklin.

4thly. The Congress has given very great satisfaction to the Court of France, by the timely and spirited step, which was taken to disavow a certain ill-grounded and pernicious doctrine, relating to the mutual obligations of the allies, to conclude no truce or peace without the knowledge or consent of each other. The Court of France is of opinion, that this doctrine could only be maintained by those men, whose aim it was by any means to weaken the ties of the alliance, and to create disgust and diffidence between the allies.

5thly. The Court has received with some surprise the intelligence, that Congress has published the treaties concluded with it, without the previous knowledge and consent of the party interested. It is not to be denied, that such a proceeding is but little consistent with reason, and with the general practice of Courts and nations.

Nevertheless, this observation involves not any kind of reproach, but the King thinks, that so n.o.ble and generous a system of politics could but produce desirable effects by its publication.

6thly. The intelligence, that in the first month of last winter there were no adequate preparations made in America towards a vigorous and successful campaign, was received at Versailles with all the concern, which the danger of the United States and the prolongation of the present contest can create in the most friendly mind. The Court of France is fully in the opinion, that the exertions of the United States are necessary to bring the common enemy to a proper sense of all the disappointments which he shall meet with.

7thly. The Court, being desirous to acquaint Congress exactly with the state of affairs relating to the common cause, would not delay to inform this honorable body, that the Court of London, showing on one side dispositions to a reconciliation with France, rejects on the other side the very idea of a formal and explicit acknowledgment of the independence of the United States, which his Most Christian Majesty perseveres to hold up as a preliminary and essential condition. The behavior of the common enemy in this respect rendered a great deal more probable the conjecture, which was communicated to Congress some time ago, that the point of honor and pride of the King of England will be the greatest obstacle to the conclusion of peace upon those explicit terms; and perhaps the manner of overcoming this difficulty will of course become the most decisive object of the deliberations of Congress, when this honorable body shall determine to make peace, whatever middle way may be hit upon, that England shall treat with the United States as with a free people, and evacuate immediately all the territories belonging to them.

NO. II.

_The Substance of what the Minister said at the Conference in explanation of the several Articles in the foregoing Paper, ent.i.tled "ad statum legendi," as reported by the Committee._

ARTICLE 1. From the bills and accounts with which Congress have been furnished by M. de Beaumarchais, Congress will be enabled to distinguish those articles which were drawn from the royal magazines, and those which he supplied in the way of trade. For these last, Congress will without doubt make remittances to M. de Beaumarchais in their own way, to enable him to perform the contracts he has entered into as a merchant. That for the former articles, the King, his master, taking upon himself to be creditor to the United States, would wait until Congress shall find it convenient to make compensation.

ARTICLE 2. Though his Court had not resolved to retaliate upon the prisoners taken by the common enemy, yet for the reasons a.s.signed, the King, his master, had a.s.sented to the proposal. But in carrying this matter into execution it would be proper to take such precautions, and to give such orders to the Captains, or other persons employed in this business, that it may be managed with prudence.

ARTICLE 3. There is every reason to believe, that Congress will very soon receive proofs of the confidence, which his Court was always willing to show to the servants of these States. The personal character of Dr Franklin will enable the Court to act with a frankness becoming the alliance, and they will have no occasion to withhold any more the secrets which may interest the United States and the alliance.

ARTICLE 4. The King, his master, after this explicit step, relies with the highest confidence upon the candor and faithfulness of Congress, in understanding as well as in executing the treaty, and in rejecting every arbitrary and unnatural interposition or construction, which false, subtle, or designing men can contrive. Congress by their own feelings must be sensible, that such interpretations and constructions are always hurtful, against common decency and dignity, and may oftentimes endanger mutual confidence, and of course the very existence of a treaty. But the sense Congress has manifested in this particular affair gives his Court the greatest hopes, that there will be no further motive for the painful reflections, which that affair gave rise to.

ARTICLE 5. He begged leave to add, that this publication interfered with the situation of affairs in Europe, and was in a certain degree disadvantageous to the common cause, because it gave the common enemy a full knowledge of our system, and our mutual engagements, without procuring us any reason to guess at their views and resolutions.

Happily these inconveniences have not been felt, and ample compensation has been obtained by convincing the people of America, not only that the treaty was just and equal, but that the heavy task which France had taken upon her was magnanimous, gratuitous and without reward. The whole world was at the same time convinced, that war, conquest, and ambition, were not the objects of the alliance, nor of any of the allies, but only the peaceable enjoyment of the sovereignty, liberty, security, and independence of these United States. And this conviction gave much honor, credit, and consideration to the alliance.

ARTICLE 6. On this he observed, that he had endeavored since last fall, by order of his Court, to impress upon every mind, that England will never evacuate New York willingly, and could only be brought by proper exertions on the part of America to think seriously of granting independence. He believed that Congress had adopted a system so conformable to their engagements and to the situation of affairs, his Court was better informed than he was. But without reflecting on past events, the King hopes, that his amicable apprehensions will be overcome by the success of the campaign; that henceforth the United States will follow the example set them by his Majesty, and that they will exert themselves in their own cause, as his Majesty exerts himself for their sakes and in their cause, which he has adopted.

ARTICLE 7. He said he was authorised to tell Congress in confidence, that this reflection is the result of the observations which the Court of Spain made upon the conduct of England throughout her negotiation of mediation; that the British Ministry seem to be solicitous to be reconciled with France, and to keep up this negotiation; that from thence probable hopes may be entertained of their internal disposition to peace, but at the same time they reject with haughtiness the formal acknowledgment of the independence insisted on by France and Spain.

New orders have been given to the Spanish Amba.s.sador at London, to ascertain as nearly as possible those dispositions. In these circ.u.mstances, the King, his master, ordered him to communicate this intelligence to the United States, that they may, if they think proper, take under consideration, if it would not be expedient to give their Plenipotentiary instructions and full powers, founded upon the necessity of the conjuncture and upon the treaty of alliance, the express and formal terms of which are, that peace shall not be made without an express or tacit acknowledgment of the sovereignty, and, consequently, and _a fortiori_, of the rights inherent in sovereignty, as well as of the independency of the United States in matters of government and of commerce.

This substantial alternative in an engagement, which is a mere gratuitous gift, without any compensation or stipulation, ought, indeed, never to be forgotten in a negotiation for peace. France foresaw the extreme difficulties, which a formal and explicit acknowledgment might meet with. She knew by her own experience in similar contests, in which she has been deeply concerned, respecting the Republics of Holland, Genoa, and the Swiss cantons, how tenacious monarchs are, and how repugnant to p.r.o.nounce the humiliating _formula_. It was only obtained for Holland _tacitly_, after a war of thirty years, and _explicitly_ after a resistance of seventy. To this day, Genoa and the Swiss cantons have obtained no renunciation or acknowledgment, either tacit or formal, from their former sovereigns.

But they enjoy their sovereignty and independence only under the guarantee of France. His Court thought it important to provide, that difficulties of this nature, which consist merely in words, should not delay or prevent America from enjoying the thing itself.

From these considerations arose the very important and explicit stipulation in the treaty, which he just now mentioned, and which has received the sanction of the United States. The circ.u.mstances seem such as call for the application of the alternative of tacit or explicit acknowledgement. All these considerations are adduced, that Congress may, if they think proper, consider whether the literal execution of the treaty in this point is not become necessary, and whether the safety and happiness of the American people, as well as the essential principles of the alliance, are not intimately connected with the resolutions that may be taken on this subject. And it remains with the prudence of Congress to examine, whether instructions upon some particular conditions may not frustrate the salutary purpose of the treaty of alliance, relative to a tacit acknowledgment which the situation of affairs may require.

In thus executing, continued he, the orders I have received, I cannot omit observing, that these orders were given with the full presumption, that the business, which I laid before Congress in February last, would have been settled long before these despatches should come to my hands. However sensibly my Court will be disappointed in its expectations, I shall add nothing to the information and observations, which, with the warmest zeal for the interests and honor of both countries, and by the duties of my office, and my instructions, I found myself bound to deliver from time to time to Congress, in the course of this business. The apprehension of giving new matter to those who endeavor to blame Congress is a new motive for me to be silent. I beg only to remind this honorable body of the aforesaid information and reflections, and particularly of those which I had the honor to deliver in an a.s.sembly similar to the present. I shall only insist on a single point, which I established then and since, in one of my Memorials, namely, the manifest and striking necessity of enabling Spain, by the determination of just and moderate terms, to press upon England with her good offices and bring her mediation to an issue, in order that we may know whether we are to expect peace or war. This step is looked upon in Europe as immediately necessary. It was the proper object of the message I delivered in February last. I then established the strong reasons, which require that at the same time, and without delay, proper terms should be offered to his Catholic Majesty, in order to reconcile him perfectly to the American interest. I did not conceal, that it was to be feared, that any condition inconsistent with the established system of the alliance, which is the binding and only law of the allies, and contrary to the line of conduct, which Spain pursued in the course of her mediation, would lead her to drop the mediation, and prevent his Catholic Majesty, by motives of honor and of faithfulness, from joining in our common cause, and from completing the intended triumvirate. No loss, no unhappy event, could be so heavy upon the alliance as this. Indeed, although the British forces are already kept in check by the combined efforts of France and America, it is nevertheless evident, that the accession of Spain can only give to the alliance a decided superiority, adequate to our purposes, and free us from the fatal chance, that a single unlucky event may overthrow the balance.

The committee then taking notice of what the Minister had said concerning a tacit a.s.surance of the independence of these States, and the reluctance of the King of Great Britain to make an express acknowledgment thereof, requested to know his sense concerning the manner in which such tacit a.s.surance could be given. To which, he premising that what he should now say ought to be considered only as his private sentiments, replied, that the British Court would probably endeavor to avoid an express acknowledgment, by imitating precedents, that had occurred in Europe on similar occasions, instancing the cases of the Swiss cantons, and the United Provinces of the Netherlands; that the mode adopted in the latter case had been for the Archduke, to whom the King of Spain had transferred his right of sovereignty, to treat with them "as with free and independent States." And that with respect to the cantons, France had not been able to obtain for them in the treaty of Munster any other than a declaration, that they should be in possession of as full liberty and exemption from the empire, and be in no manner subject to the jurisdiction thereof. But that in his opinion the circ.u.mstances of these States, and the manner in which they had conducted their opposition, would justify their expecting a more full declaration.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 26th, 1779.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has received with grat.i.tude the permission, which the Congress of the United States has been pleased to grant him, for the expedition of the s.h.i.+p Defence. His Court will be very sensible of the regard, which Congress have been pleased to pay to the situation of the vessels of war stationed at Cape Francois.

The said Minister takes the liberty of reminding Congress of the request, which he made in one of his Memorials, dated the 5th of this month, relative to the accusations, which have been made before the whole House, of frauds which were thought to have been practised with regard to the cargo of the s.h.i.+p Defence, and of other vessels loaded with provisions for the French squadron. The undersigned has, by writing, on the 17th of this month, urged the committee intrusted with this verification, to be pleased to hasten its report, and he takes the liberty of addressing the same request to the Congress of the United States itself. Congress is also referred to the reflections contained in his said Memorial of the 5th instant.

GERARD.